Below I offer the third in a series of posts reflecting on my reading of Robert Putnam's 2015 Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis. In this and coming posts, I examine Our Kids in digestible chunks, offer critique, and attempt to expound upon connections I see to education and schooling, education reform, and my own experiences.I see this book as central to understanding contemporary exigencies regarding education policy and essential to building and actualizing an egalitarian social justice agenda.
Part 3; Chapter One: “The American Dream: Myths and Realities”
– The New(est?) Segregation
I wonder if America is in segregation denial. So few seem to
realize the civil rights battles from the 1950s and 60s did help to desegregate
the American South, but many U.S. communities and social institutions across
the nation were then and remain now segregated by color or ethnicity. Churches
are prime examples. Housing communities too. In the North and elsewhere,
communities remain deeply segregated, even more so than in the South, but this
fact is one of many regarding sociocultural dividing lines to which Americans
seem oblivious or simply don’t want to believe.
After all, slavery and racism
were only constructs of the confederate states, and reconstruction took care of
all that, right? Of course not, but when it comes to addressing the realities
of seclusion and exclusion, it seems to me Americans either turn the blind eye
or don the rose-colored glasses.
Americans need more revealing lenses when it comes to acknowledging segregation by income. (Not these, though). |
In the latter pages of the first chapter in Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis, Malkin Professor of Public Policy at Harvard
University Robert Putnam reveals more disturbing trends regarding growing
opportunity and social mobility gaps. Not only are more affluent families
pulling further away from less-fortunate peers in terms of accumulated wealth,
but “the ballooning economic gap has been accompanied by growing de facto
segregation of Americans along class lines” (37).
Putnam says contemporary exigencies differs from past
decades in which social mobility was more equally distributed in that fewer
people are exposed to people beyond their own “socioeconomic niche” (37.)
Simply put, the well-off are disappearing the rest of us, and it may be that
this disappearing continues to happen at whatever other marked class delineations
exist. Class segregation is “pervasive,” says Putnam, and housing communities
offer evidence to that affect: “More and more families live either in uniformly
affluent neighborhoods or in uniformly poor neighborhoods” (38).
Putnam labels this phenomenon “geographic polarization,” though I prefer his other descriptor, “incipient class apartheid” (39).
Lest one thinks Putnam ignores racial and ethnic segregation
while favoring income data, note he offers evidence that “race-based
segregation has been slowly declining” while “class-based segregation has been
increasing” (38).
What are ramifications of the “incipient class apartheid” linked
with my worries about Americans’ foggy vision? If the rich no longer live among
the rest of us, and we live only among those in our own income and housing
brackets, how do we develop and sustain authentic empathy for those who are
less fortunate than ourselves? If the benefits of living with the like-incomed
are such that living in a mixed-bracket community actually seem to hurt a well-off
family’s networking and ability to sustain their own lifestyle or support their
progeny to the best of their ability, why would anyone seek to economically
diversify communities?
Similar anxieties permeate Putnam’s thinking too: He worries,
for example, that kids from different economic strata are not considered “our
kids” anymore, that there is no longer a sense among elders that everyone in a
community wants to see all young people, regardless of their economic station,
do well and grow their economic progress.
Stratification seems
to perpetuate not even a “You do you; I’ll do me” attitude and necessity, but a
“We’ll do us. No one else exists” mentality among the economically empowered
which should concern even the most hardcore American capitalist. Not only is “trickle-down”
not working; families at the top may be so cut off from realities beyond their
own there isn’t even thought given to trickling. Don’t believe me? Try
discussing poverty and housing with your peer groups. Note instances of denial
and discomfort. Time the conversation to see how long it takes someone to
mention that by global standards, Americans in poverty are the envy of the
world. For those in poverty, the notion of bootstrapping may seem like a
perverse like more than even a fading dream.
Other segregations stem from residential segregation. Putnam
examines several:
1.
Schooling segregation: private vs. public
2. Schooling segregation: public school districts
3. Schooling segregation: schools within districts
4. Education segregation: AP enrollment vs. general enrollment
5. College segregation: Elite vs. less-elite
6. Marriage endogamy
7. Social segregation: Friendship networks and other social resource
2. Schooling segregation: public school districts
3. Schooling segregation: schools within districts
4. Education segregation: AP enrollment vs. general enrollment
5. College segregation: Elite vs. less-elite
6. Marriage endogamy
7. Social segregation: Friendship networks and other social resource
Affluent kids are more likely to attend good schools and
have more choices regarding education; are more likely placed into advanced,
college-readying classes; are more likely to attend top-tier universities; are more
likely to have two parents who are both well-off; and more likely to benefit
from tapping into a vast network of influential and powerful peers and parental
peers than are their less-wealthy counterparts.
I worry, since affluent
people may see less of those not like themselves regarding these segregations,
they may even be less likely to even acknowledge “counterparts” exist. As a first-generation college student who grew
up with family unrest, an economic base teetering at best, and many mitigating
stresses when it came to doing well and fully participating in school, I worry
especially about the friendship network and social resources gaps between the
affluent and the poor. Had it not been for the support mentors and caring
individuals outside my own socioeconomic strata, I am sure I would not have
survived as well as I did as a conscientious but resource-limited student. I
had people – teachers, friends, and parents of friends -- believing in my
abilities to overcome. But Putnam suggests that sort of cross-class
humanitarianism is at risk. Before delving into chapters on families,
parenting, schooling, community, and, finally, suggestions, Putnam sums his
book’s findings and concerns:
Ultimately, growing class segregation across neighborhoods, school, marriages (and probably also civic associations, workplaces, and friendship circles) means that rich Americans and poor Americans are living, learning, and raising children in increasingly separate and unequal worlds, removing the stepping-stones to upward mobility – college-going classmates or cousins or middle-class neighbors, who might take a working-class kid from the neighborhood under their wing. Moreover, class segregation means that members of the upper middle class are less likely to have firsthand knowledge of the lives of poor kids and thus are unable even to recognize the growing opportunity gap (41).
When it comes to acknowledging socioeconomic inequality,
perhaps rose-colored glasses keep their tint because they disappear all but
those in the same economic situation as the wearers. For the affluent, this possibility
can screen people from the needs and well-being of the less-fortunate. For the
less-fortunate, it reveals the mockery and manipulation of Hope.
Next: A Conceptual Note To Ruin It All?
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